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Vol. 2, Issue 6
Bringing You The News Behind The News in Maui County

April 12 – May 9, 2006

From One War To The Next

Bush administration actions, intelligence leak, raises questions regarding Iran’s nuclear capabilities.

Bonnie McFadden


WASHINGTON, D.C.– This past week we learned from a federal court brief filed by Special Prosecutor Patrick Fitzgerald in the CIA-agent exposure case that President Bush authorized Vice President Dick Cheney’s Chief of Staff, Irv Lewis "Scooter" Libby, to leak to journalists classified information from the National Intelligence Estimate prepared in September-October, 2002 detailing the national intelligence concerning Iraq’s possession (or non-possession) of weapons of mass destruction.
In September of 2003, President George Bush told the American people that he would fire anyone he found who had disclosed classified information or the identity of the CIA’s anti-nuclear proliferation operative, Valerie Plame.

Photo: Paul Morse

President George W. Bush discusses the War on Terror at Central Piedmont Community College in Charlotte, N.C., Thursday April 6, 2006.

The reason Bush authorized the disclosure of certain portions of this NIE in June, 2003, to journalists Judith Miller and Bob Woodward was to counter statements from Valerie Plame’s husband, Ambassador Joseph Wilson, that Bush’s claims that Iraq had tried to purchase yellow cake uranium from Niger were false.
Bush didn’t authorize the disclosure of all the NIE report, just those portions which could be seen to support his claim that Iraq was pursuing a nuclear weapons program. In fact, the NIE contained well substantiated conclusions by the Department of Energy and the State Department’s intelligence section that substantially undermined the claim that Iraq was seeking to make nuclear weapons. But Bush didn’t allow that information to be leaked.
Thus, if Libby is to be believed, Bush’s informal declassification of parts of the NIE was done expressly to enable Libby to again mislead journalists, and thus the American public, concerning the justification for the invasion of Iraq.
The documents that Libby testified were declassified by Bush before he revealed the NIE information on July 8, 2003, were not officially declassified and released until July 18, 2003, according to press secretary Scott McClellan, raising a question as to their classification status on July 8th.
But perhaps of far greater consequences than conducting a misleading publicity campaign to discredit Joseph Wilson, was the fact that Bush intentionally misled Congress and the country in his State of the Union address of January 2003. In that speech to Congress, which is required yearly by the Constitution, Bush claimed that Iraq had been seeking to buy yellow cake uranium from Africa and that Iraq had purchased aluminum tubes to make enriched uranium.
Did Bush know when he gave his State of the Union speech in January of 2006, that these were false accusations against Iraq? It appears that he did.
In the first week of October 2002 CIA Director George Tenet called Stephen Hadley, Mr. Bush’s deputy national security advisor, and told him to remove the Niger purchase accusation from President Bush’s planned October 6, 2002 speech in Cincinnati, telling Hadley that the claim was dubious and not believed credible by the CIA. Hadley took the claim out of the Cincinnati speech.
That same week, the National Intelligence Estimate (NIE) on Iraq was released which contained statements from the Department of Energy and the State Department’s intelligence agency stating that they found it unlikely that the aluminum tubes seized en route to Iraq were intended for nuclear weapons development. And the NIE again detailed that the State Department and the CIA didn’t believe that Iraq had sought uranium from Iraq.
Bush’s national security advisor, Condoleezza Rice, variously claimed not to have read all the pages in the NIE and later claimed to have read the document several times, but she undoubtedly knew that Tenet had ordered the references to uranium from Niger removed from the President’s October Cincinnati speech. She allowed the misinformation to be included in Bush’s State of the Union address anyway. Rice’s deputy, Stephen Hadley, thereafter claimed that he had just “forgotten” Tenet’s October, 2002 warning to remove the claim from the Cincinnati speech.
In July of 2003, Ambassador Wilson wrote an article in the New York Times detailing how his trip to Niger at the request of the CIA had yielded no evidence whatever that Iraq had sought uranium from Niger.
A week thereafter, the Administration admitted that the uranium accusation should not have been included in the president’s speech, but blamed the error on the CIA’s failure to remove it from the speech. CIA director George Tenet dutifully claimed it was all his fault, falling on his sword, perhaps for the promise of the “Medal of Freedom” award that Bush pinned on him a year later.
President Bush never admitted whether or not he personally read the National Intelligence Estimate on Iraq before he gave his State of the Union speech in which he prepared the country for war. Given his well-known aversion to reading and to policy details, a claim that he did not read the 90 page NIE would certainly be believed.
But this week, Murray Waas, writing in the National Journal, reported that Bush was given a one-page summary of the NIE that specifically told him that the Department of Energy experts rejected the notion that the aluminum tubes were intended for nuclear fuel enrichment, stating that the tubes were likely intended for non-nuclear rockets. Waas’s informants said he was observed reading this one-page summary. The summary also discounted the validity of the Niger yellow cake purchases.
In October 2002 Bush was warned that the evidence concerning Iraq’s quest for nuclear weapons was dubious, yet in January of 2003 he told Congress and the American people that the evidence justified going to war against Iraq.
When Joseph Wilson, a distinguished diplomat with personal knowledge of the facts concerning the false Niger yellow cake claim, dared to question Bush’s spurious war justifications, Bush and Cheney began a campaign against Wilson, authorizing the declassification and dissemination of just so much of the 2002 National Intelligence Estimate as supported their justifications for the invasion of Iraq.
In the course of their anti-Wilson campaign, Wilson’s wife, Valerie Plame, was exposed as an undercover CIA operative. Plame was tracking the distribution of nuclear weapon components in the guise of working for a consulting company, Brewster-Jennings. When Wilson and the Jennings company were exposed as part of a CIA operation, the CIA’s network for tracking proliferation of nuclear weapons was effectively demolished.
As a result, now that the Bush administration is accusing Iran of developing nuclear weapons and threatening to bomb them with our nuclear weapons, we have very little information about what nuclear capability Iran actually has as our capacity to track such information was destroyed with the exposure of CIA agent Valerie Plame Wilson.
We know from their lead-up to the invasion of Iraq that Bush and Cheney don’t require accurate information to start a war, they much prefer spinning their own justifications without regard to facts.


Bonnie McFadden is a former deputy public defender, law professor from both the University of New Guinea and the University of Hawai}i, and director of the Cambodia Defenders Project in Phnom Penh, Cambodia. She currently resides and practices law on Maui and is a core member of Maui Peace Action.

 

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